The Department of the Interior has laid out a proposal to open most of the coastal areas of the United States to exploratory drilling for gas and oil –
including the waters off the coast of Maine.

I want to be clear on my position here. It’s very simple: The potential benefits of oil drilling off Maine are minimal. The risks could be devastating.
From tourism to the lobster industry, Maine’s oceans are a major economic engine for the state – but that engine relies on healthy oceans.

Can you imagine the impact of pictures on the national news of oil-soaked lobsters? Can you imagine tourists flocking to oil-soaked beaches? And what
would be the gain here? Oil pumped into international oil tankers that will disappear over the horizon – with negligible revenue for Maine?

This is an easy one.
That’s why I’ve joined Sen. Susan Collins and the entire Maine congressional delegation in coming out against it. It’s why I’ve been working steadfastly
to make Maine’s concerns known. And it’s why I’m writing today to ask you to join me in taking a stand against oil drilling off the coast of Maine.

Please, Peter, add your name: Tell Congress not to allow oil drilling off the coast of Maine!

The impact of this decision could have ramifications for generations of people in Maine. If the overwhelming response my office has received is any
indication, people all over our state are deeply opposed to this proposal.

Scores of people even braved a blizzard to travel to Augusta and testify against this proposal.
I am deeply concerned about our economy and our communities. We all know mistakes happen, and a single mistake in oil drilling could permanently
compromise livelihoods. Trust me, I’m making plenty of noise about this in Washington, and I’m hoping you’ll add your voice.

Join me in standing up against this dangerous proposal – and defending Maine’s economy against offshore drilling.
Thanks for standing up for Maine communities.

Paid for by the Angus King for U.S. Senate Campaign

Angus King for U.S. Senate Campaign
PO Box 368
Brunswick ME 04011 United States
Trumpiversary: Here Are the Winners & Losers

9:33 am ET November 9, 2017 (Zacks) Print

Before President Trump’s election, many pundits found it difficult to assess the outcome of his victory as his proposals seemed contradictory or lacked
details. On the contrary, such pro-economic policies helped technology and financial stocks rise sharply, helping Wall Street’s major equity indicators
showing the best rally in the past 81 years.

Defense stocks have, in fact, left the rest in the dust. The sector gained the most following tensions between Trump and North Korea. Trump’s
Afghanistan strategy has also lent such stocks a fillip. However, not everyone has partaken in this year-long rally. Let us thus take a look at the potential
gainers and losers of the ‘Trump trade’.

Trump Rally Fed Off Wall Street Anxiety

It’s been a year since Trump’s stunning performance on election night that had rattled the global equity market. The Dow futures tumbled nearly 900
points as investors remained concerned about Trump’s questionable campaign promises on trade and immigration.
But, investors’ apprehensions ebbed by morning and U.S. stocks started moving north. In fact, the Dow’s 1-year gain since Trump’s win turned out to be
the highest post-Election Day rise since 1945. The blue-chip gauge surged 28.5% since Nov 8, 2016.

The S&P 500 also rallied 21% since the close of trading on Election Day 2016. This is the benchmark index’s third best performance during a President’s
first election since World War II, lagging that of Presidents John F Kennedy (1960, 29%) and George H. W. Bush (1988, 23%), as per Sam Stovall of
CFRA Research.

Though Trump had taken over a progressing economy with the stock market near an all-time high, his pro-growth and business-friendly policies as well as
bets on deregulation gave investors ample scope.

Technology and Financials Benefit From Trump Policy

Promises of pro-business legislation by Trump have primarily supported the gains for the software industry and the manufacturers of the internal
technologies — the semiconductor makers. The House’s latest corporate tax plan will lower taxes from 35% to 20%. As a result, tech companies’ after-tax
earnings will improve and lead to repatriation of trillions of dollars held abroad by such companies. Tech companies can use this extra cash for research
and developments, and mergers and acquisitions.

If the bill turns into a law, tech bigwigs including Apple Inc. AAPL and Microsoft Corporation MSFT as well as semiconductor giant NVIDIA Corporation
NVDA  will largely benefit as they have billions of dollars stashed outside the United States. In fact, NVIDIA – Zacks Rank #2 (Buy) stock – became the
biggest gainer since the election, up a staggering 209%. Looking at the big picture, the technology sector is up around 39%.

You can see the complete list of today’s Zacks #1 Rank (Strong Buy) stocks here.

Financials, in the meantime, has benefitted from the possibility of deregulating the sector. At the same time, Trump appointed Jerome Powell as the next
Federal Reserve chairman, someone who favors his regulatory changes.

Trump views the Dodd-Frank regulatory overhaul as a harsh measure, especially, on smaller banks. Trump has called for repealing parts of the Dodd-
Frank Act, which has for a considerable period of time limited operational flexibility. Trump’s administration also aims at increasing the minimum asset
threshold for banking behemoths, which will lend more flexibility, boost valuations, strengthen consolidation and increase lending. The value of stock and
options held by Jamie Dimon, the CEO of JPMorgan Chase & Co., turned out to be the highest since Trump’s win, while the broader financial sector
soared almost 35% in the said period.

Defense Stocks – By Far the Best Trade

Aerospace and the defense sector has been the best trade since Trump’s election. While deal making activity boosted the sector, Trump’s unrelenting
war of words against Pyongyang provided enough impetus to the sector to climb further north.
Let us also not forget that Trump revealed a reversal of strategy in Afghanistan, promising to “fight to win” instead of withdrawing entirely. He vowed to
ramp up U.S. engagement in Afghanistan, the country’s longest war to date. He added that moving troops away from Afghanistan would create a
“vacuum,” which terrorists would “instantly fill.”

Kratos Defense & Security Solutions, Inc. KTOS, AeroVironment, Inc. AVAV and Aerojet Rocketdyne Holdings, Inc. AJRD have been the best-performing
components in the defense sector, with their stock value doubling since Trump’s victory.

Aerospace company Boeing Co gained the maximum at 87% since the election. Trump’s pledge to significantly increase federal spending related to
national security was cheered by Republicans and helped defense and aerospace stocks scale higher. He had promised to seek a $54-billion hike in
spending on tanks, ships and weapon systems. The defense budget will climb 10%, according to the White House, while Trump recommended $30 billion
in supplementary military spending for this year.

Which Sectors Are Not So Lucky?

Not everyone, though, has participated in the year-long rally. The three worst performing sectors since Trump’s election have been consumer staples,
energy and telecommunication services. While staples and energy managed to eke out marginal gains, telecommunications tanked nearly 10%.
While volatility in oil prices during Trump’s regime made investors cautious from investing in the energy sector, staples and telecommunications were
affected due to higher interest rates. The Federal Reserve has lifted rates twice this year and is expected to raise it again next month.

Retailers too have been affected during Trump’s regime, as they continue to adapt to changing consumer tastes and preferences as well as evolving
shopping methods. Notably, Macy's Inc M was among the biggest losers since the election, down 52.3%. Currently, the omnichannel retail company has a
Zacks Rank #4 (Sell).

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- 6 -
UPDATE: European banks rally, leading stocks to 1-month closing high
Today 12:08 PM ET December 08, 2017 (MarketWatch)

By Carla Mozee and Sara Sjolin, MarketWatch

U.K. and EU make breakthrough on Brexit divorce terms, clearing way to next stage of negotiations
European stocks rose Friday, scoring their highest close in a month, after the U.K. and the European Union came to terms on a Brexit divorce deal,
opening the way to a key phase of talks.

Bank stocks were in rally mode after news of the Brexit breakthrough and after global financial officials finally signed a deal Thursday to harmonize
banking rules.

How markets are moving: The Stoxx Europe 600 popped up 0.7% to close at 389.25, logging its highest close since Nov. 9, according to FactSet data.
For the week, the Stoxx 600 scored a 1.4% gain, following last week's fall of 0.7%.
( Frankfurt on Friday, the
DAX 30 index jumped 0.8% to 13,153.70, and in Paris, the CAC 40 gained 0.3% to 5,399.09. Spain's IBEX 35 leapt 0.6% to 10,321.10.

The U.K.'s FTSE 100 ended up 1% at 7,393.96, propelled higher by a drop in the pound.
The euro traded at $1.1765 at the time of the European close, down from $1.1774 late Thursday in New York.

What's moving markets: The president of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, said early Friday that "sufficient progress" has been made
( on three key issues in Brexit negotiations
to allow the talks to advance to the next phase.

"I believe we have now made the breakthrough we needed," Juncker said at a press conference in Brussels.
After a night of intense negotiating, British Prime Minister Theresa May managed to resolve the final issue -- the Irish border -- needed to satisfy the EU

The Brussels negotiating team is now recommending that EU leaders give the go-ahead for Brexit talks to move to the second stage, which will cover trade
agreements and a potential transition period. The European Council meeting of EU leaders is scheduled for Dec. 14-15.
An EU official reportedly threw cold water on hopes of a quick deal on trade, saying it's not realistic to expect an agreement by March 2019, when the U.K.
leaves the union.

The pound hit an intraday high of $1.3521 following news of the deal, but since slumped to $1.3366. That compares with $1.3475 late Thursday in New
York. Against the euro, sterling fell to EUR1.1363 from EUR1.1445 on Thursday.

Analysts said the drop came not because traders were disappointed with the deal, but because a lot of the optimism had already been price in.
Read:The Game of Krones: Inside Denmark's battle to defend its 35-year-old currency peg

Stock movers: The Stoxx Europe 600 Bank Index surged 2.2%, marking its biggest leap since July.

On Thursday, international banking regulators agreed on the final Basel III standards for banks. The harmonized rules, conceived after the financial crisis,
aim to shield taxpayers from bank bailouts by making sure lenders have adequate cushion against shocks. The standards must now be passed into
national laws. The agreement further highlighted that most lenders hold a sufficient amount of capital.

Friday's Brexit breakthrough also helps the financial industry, as it brightens the prospects for a smooth transition when the U.K. withdraws from the EU in

In the bank group, Germany's Deutsche Bank AG (DBK.XE) (DBK.XE) jumped 3.3%, while shares of London-based Barclays PLC (BCS)(BCS) rose 2.5%.
France's Société Générale SA (GLE.FR) added 2.3%, Spain's Banco Santander SA (SAN) picked up 1.8%, and Italy's Unione di Banche Italiane SpA
(UBI.MI) moved up 2.2%.

What strategists are saying: "GBP/USD tumbled throughout the afternoon after the early morning buying frenzy fizzled. Sterling got off to a strong start in
the early hour due to the news that the U.K. and EU will move onto next round of talks in relation to Brexit. Traders a feeling in was going to be good news
that was reported this morning so some of the move was already priced in," said David Madden, market analyst at CMC Markets UK, in a note.

"The DAX has been given a boost after Martin Schulz of the Social Democrats suggested his party is warming up to the idea of entering into coalition talks
with Angela Merkel's Christian Democratic Union. The German economy has been performing well without a functioning government, and [the] news has
added to the positive sentiment," he added.

-Carla Mozee; 415-439-6400;

(END) Dow Jones Newswires

December 08, 2017 12:08 ET (17:08 GMT)

Copyright (c) 2017 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.
American capitalism 'seems to be broken,'
says Nobel winner Angus Deaton

Today 10:24 AM ET (MarketWatch)

By Greg Robb, MarketWatch

Surge in 'deaths of despair' among whites suggests the loss of 'a way of life'

Sometimes simple statistical economic work can open our eyes to some fundamental changes in the economy.

That was the case with landmark research undertaken by Nobel Prize winning economist Angus Deaton. The Princeton economist, working with his wife
Anne Case, stumbled on the fact that mortality rates were rising for working-age white Americans since 1999.

For mortality rates to rise instead of fall is extremely rare. It typically takes a war or epidemic for death rates to jump.
Deaton and Case found that these deaths are tied to "deaths of despair" from alcohol, suicide and opioids.

As to the more difficult question of "why" these deaths are taking pace, Deaton hypothesized that they are tied to a destruction of a way of life for working
class Americans that used to exist.

"I've been using the analogy of the plains Indians, they had had a life which you might have liked or might not have liked before Europeans came to
America and that life was destroyed and was never put back together again. I think we're seeing that for the American working class over the last 40 or 50
years," he said in a recent speech.

MarketWatch spoke with Deaton about possible explanations for the rising mortality among the working poor and things that can be done to reverse the

MarketWatch: Could you summarize your landmark 2015 research about rising mortality rates among white Americans?

Deaton: We were really looking for something else and then we discovered that, at least among people between 45-54, and even more between 50-54, a
decline in mortality, particularly white mortality that had been established for about 100 years had actually stopped or even reversed itself. Whether it has
reversed itself or not depends on a bit on your starting point and end point, but the century-long decline in mortality rates that had gone on since the
beginning of the 20th century had just stopped and was starting to rise.

And then, what we've done was to check and find out why this was happening. Not in the deep sense of why, but which causes of death were associated
with this. And we found that the fastest rising causes of death in this group were people dying from suicide, dying from alcoholic liver disease, and dying
from drug overdoses.

So that was the initial finding. I guess the other important thing is that is not happening among African Americans, for whom mortality rates continue to fall,
in fact are falling quite rapidly and among Hispanics, for whom the trend is good. None of what you see here is happening in European countries. A lot of it
is focused on people who do not have a BA, for example.

MarketWatch: Is there any sign that this trend is slowing down?

Deaton: I think in the next few days we will see the data for 2016, but not so far.

MarketWatch: You compared this rise of mortality to the AIDS epidemic.

Deaton: The numbers we've given, which were similar to the AIDS epidemic, came from saying "ok, if mortality rates had continued to fall in the way they
had prior to 1998, then how many people would be alive that are actually dead," and that's how you get that sort of number.

MarketWatch: It is not only opioids?

Deaton: That's right. I think in the age groups we were looking at among white non-Hispanics, the deaths from opiate overdoses are the biggest part of it,
but they are not as big as suicides and cirrhosis added together. Maybe some of these deaths, we should also be putting some heart disease in there.
Opioids are certainly the biggest single thing.

MarketWatch: And it is not just men. It is men and women?

Deaton: Yes. I mean most of these rates are lower for women but the increases are parallel for men and women. I mean, women don't kill themselves as
much as men do but the rises have been similar.

MarketWatch: I want to make the bridge from your findings to the economy. You have said that white working class workers are facing a loss of their way of

Deaton: This is much more hypothetical because of course, you are saying "what is doing this?" Tying it to the economy is tricky because it is certainly not
true that it was the Great Recession that made this happen, for example. And in fact even if you go back to the late 1990s, the patterns of income and so
on are not that different across groups. They don't match up. Any simple story that said "it is the economy stupid," is stupid.

So we trace this back sort of a long way, and if you look at birth cohorts it is like each successive birth cohort is doing worse. They are more susceptible to
these deaths throughout life, and the deaths rise with age more rapidly for younger cohorts, so we're attracted by this idea that there is a cumulative
process going on which is steadily getting worse over time. And, you know, the destruction of the way of life of the white working class is maybe a good way
of thinking about this. I mean we are very attracted by that. You know, the ultimate poison may be in the labor market, but, it works through a lot of other
bad stuff that is going on -- like the decline in marriage rates, the increase in out-of-wedlock childbearing, and all those sort of things. It is those things that
get to middle age and your life has not worked out the way you thought, not just in terms of the salary you earned, but also your marital relationship, your
kids who you may not know anymore and who are living with someone else. So there are a lot of people who in their 50s that find that their life has just sort
of come apart.

One story is just that there has been this slow loss of the white working class life. There has been stagnation in wages for 50 years. If you don't have a
university degree, median wages for those people have actually been going down. So it is just like that model, whereby American capitalism really
delivered to people who were not particularly well-educated, seems to be broken.

MarketWatch: What can be done?

Deaton: Well, I think actually quite a bit can be done. And again, this is very tentative work and there are a lot of other economists and other people who
are thinking about these issues. Obviously you can't go back and change history. So you can't make the last 50 years go away. And many people think,
"ok what's destroyed working class life -- the forces of globalization and technical change" -- and I'm sure they contributed. But we don't want to stop them.
Globalization and technical change are the guarantee of our future prosperity. And reversing on that will not only make things worse, but it will make things
worse for a very large number of people around the world who have benefitted -- people in China and India who have been dragged out of the most awful
poverty. So we don't want to do that, but I think there is a realization there is a lot of policies in the U.S. -- things are amenable to action -- that have
actually been contributing to hold down wages.

I could give you a few of those -- our catastrophic health-care system seems like a leading candidate there. There is this number that floats around which I
think is pretty well-based that we're wasting about a trillion dollars a year compared with what it would cost if we had one of the other systems you see in
Europe or Canada. That trillion dollars a year -- much of that is actually coming out of people's wages -- because so many people get health insurance
through their employers. So that's one thing. If you took that money out of the health sector and gave it back to worker's wages, we would not be in nearly
such bad shape.

I think there is a lot of increasing interest in monopoly power, around consolidation in many, many industries and that prices are not falling as rapidly as
they should or are rising. And it is real wages we're talking about here -- real wages are, of course, money wages divided by the price level. And so, if you
have a system that redistributes money upwards, to CEOs or to hospital executives or whatever, pharma executives, then those people get big increases
in their wages which offsets the price increase but the rest of us just get left with the price increase.
I could go on. I think there are a lot of policies that have been unfriendly to workers wages.

MarketWatch: You said in a recent speech that we have to find ways to share and not let it all go to the top.

Deaton: Right. I would even put it more aggressively than that. A lot of people are thinking about rent seeking. There is this sense that it is not just letting it
go to the people at the top, it is letting the people at the top get rich on the backs of ordinary people.
That's a much more aggressive statement. I'm in favor of inequality if it comes about from people making great innovations that make us all better off. And I
think those people deserve to be rich. But the people who get rich by lobbying the Congress to give them special protections that come out of the hides of
the workers seems to be to be a bad idea.

MarketWatch: You're doing more research on the "why" and the causes of the rise in mortality.

Deaton: Yes. We're looking at a lot of different indicators. We want to do a lot more work on Europe because some of the things that have happened here
have happened in Europe, but not all of them. So one really interesting question is that median real wages in Britain have fallen since the Great Recession
and that 10-year-or-more period is unprecedented in British economic history. So you don't see these deaths in Britain. You see a little bit, but nothing like
what you've got in the U.S. So is this what's in store for Britain, or is this a peculiarly American phenomenon? You can tell that story both ways. That seems
a really interesting question. But I do think throwing your hands up and saying it is globalization and technological change is sort of a counsel of despair,
and I don't think we have to go there.

-Greg Robb; 415-439-6400;

(END) Dow Jones Newswires
December 13, 2017 10:24 ET (15:24 GMT)
Copyright (c) 2017 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.

Peter Johann,

Generations from now, Americans will look back at President Trump’s executive order to rescind the Clean Power Plan—America’s first ever national
limit on dangerous carbon pollution from power plants.

They will either mourn this as the moment when America turned its back on climate progress and the clean energy future…

Or they will celebrate the great grassroots effort that stood up to the president’s disastrous decision.

The choice is ours. How we respond in the days, weeks, and months ahead will determine the future
our kids and grand kids will inherit.

EDF has always sought solutions and worked collaboratively with all parties to drive real progress. But this is a time
when we must stand up and be counted.

You’ve been active with EDF to oppose President Trump’s anti-environment agenda. I urge you now more than ever to make a donation of whatever
amount you can afford to give EDF the resources we urgently need to stop this assault on common sense and basic climate science.

Let’s be clear about what has happened this week: President Trump has commanded the EPA to rescind the Clean Power Plan without offering any
replacement to protect our communities from the growing threat of climate change or to move America toward a clean energy economy.

This is unacceptable. With your support, here are some of the actions we are taking:
1. We are mobilizing our members and activists to join the People’s Climate March on Saturday, April 29th. This is our opportunity to march shoulder to
shoulder with hundreds of groups and hundreds of thousands of concerned Americans to deliver our message: We need Less Pollution. More

2. President Trump’s executive order starts a legal and regulatory process, which the EPA must follow. That process includes many opportunities for
concerned Americans to offer public comments and with your support we will inundate the EPA with support of the current rules. We helped deliver
more than 8 million comments in support of the Clean Power Plan and we will not be silent as they try to rescind this important rule.

3. We will work in the states to transition to a clean energy economy and toward meeting the goals of the Clean Power Plan, regardless of its fate.

4. We will launch a massive online engagement and grassroots organizing program to press governors, state legislators, senators, representatives,
public utility commissioners, and other key decision makers to support the goals of slashing climate pollution and unleashing clean energy innovation.

5. Our legal team is preparing to file and/or join lawsuits opposing the Trump administration’s actions. Any effort to roll back the Clean Power Plan will
be subject to rigorous judicial review in federal court. The Supreme Court has affirmed EPA’s authority and responsibility to curb climate pollution under
the Clean Air Act three times since 2007. If the Trump Administration rescinds the Clean Power Plan without any replacement, it will be on very shaky
legal footing.

I wish I were writing to you with a different message. I prefer to enlist your support for bold and innovative initiatives to reduce pollution, improve public
health, and unleash clean energy. And I will be coming back to you on another day with just such a message.

But today is a day for those of us who respect science and cherish life to stand together to defend climate and clean energy progress.

The stakes are high. Future generations will look back to the moment and pass judgment on what we do. Let’s make them proud.

Thank you for your citizenship and support,

Fred Krupp

Als Bundespräsident werde ich den TTIP-Vertrag nicht unterschreiben. Ich gehe davon aus, dass es gar nicht so weit kommt, und TTIP im Parlament
nicht beschlossen wird.

Durch TTIP droht eine Absenkung von Standards in den Bereichen Lebensmittel, Umwelt und Gesundheit sowie eine Zerstörung der kleinräumigen
österreichischen Landwirtschaft. Das ist nicht zu akzeptieren.

Ich will nicht, dass durch TTIP gentechnisch veränderte Lebensmittel durch die Hintertür zu uns kommen, die österreichische Landwirtschaft mit ihrem
hohen Bio-Anteil unter Druck gerät oder Standards im Gesundheitsbereich oder bei den Arbeitsschutzrechten gesenkt werden. Unsere Bio- und
Bergbauern, die kleinstrukturierte Landwirtschaft dürfen nicht dem Druck der Gentechnik-Allmacht von Monsanto ausgesetzt werden.

Die von Verfassungsexperten gegen die Schiedsgerichte und die regulatorische Kooperation vorgebrachten Argumente teile ich. Ich bin der
Überzeugung, dass es keinen Bedarf dafür gibt und die österreichischen und europäischen Rechtsnormen ausreichend sind.



As President, I will not sign the TTIP Treaty. I assume that it does not come so far, and TTIP is not passed by Parliament.

By TTIP threatening lowering of standards in the areas of food, environment and health as well as the destruction of small-scale agriculture in Austria.
This is not acceptable.

I do not want that by TTIP GMO foods come through the back door to us; the Austrian agriculture unit with its high organic portion under pressure or
standards in the health sector or in labor rights are reduced. Our biotechnology and mountain farmers, the small farms should not be subjected to the
pressure of the genetic engineering omnipotence of Monsanto.

The concerns raised by constitutional experts against the arbitration and regulatory cooperation arguments I share. I am convinced that there is no
need for it and the Austrian and European legal standards are sufficient.


Following a press conference with Manuel Valls, Canadian Prime Minister considered that Europe would engage in a way "unproductive" by refusing to
sign the free trade agreement with Canada.
Justin Trudeau comes out the yellow card. A rejection by the 28 countries of the European Union free trade agreement with Canada (Ceta) would be
"distressing" and send to the world "a clear message" that the EU is engaged in "a very productive way" , said Thursday the Canadian Prime Minister.
The time has come "for Europe to decide what is the European Union", he ruled during a joint press conference with his French counterpart Manuel

European opposition
Canadian and European leaders have an appointment in Brussels on 27 October to ratify the transatlantic treaty, but voices continue to rise in the old
continent to prevent its adoption, while the agreement of all national parliaments is required for its full implementation.
In particular, the Parliament of the French Community of Belgium adopted on Wednesday a resolution that could force the country to refuse Ceta.
"If in a week or two, Europe is unable to sign a commercial agreement with a progressive country like Canada, with which Europe thinks she doing
business in the coming years?" He told Justin Trudeau .
"For me, this is a time when questions arise about the usefulness of Europe if Europe fails to sign this agreement, it will be a very clear message, not
only for Europeans but also the world that Europe is about to choose a very productive way for its citizens and for the world, "blasted the Liberal leader.
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Jeune, ambitieux et europhile: qui est Sebastian Kurz, le nouveau chancelier autrichien?

Par Sabine Syfuss-Arnaud le 19.01.2018 à 17h06

EXCLUSIF. Chancelier d’Autriche depuis le 18 décembre, Sebastian Kurz suscite curiosité et inquiétude en Europe . Curiosité parce qu'il est le plus jeune
dirigeant du monde. Inquiétude, parce ce conservateur vient de former un gouvernement avec la droite dure. Challenges a rencontré à Vienne celui qui
se dit europhile, ambitieux, travailleur et soucieux des détails.

D'une politesse exquise, il présente ses excuses pour les cinq minutes de retard. Il a les joues poupines, un sourire enjôleur, les yeux d'un bleu soutenu,
mais le regard vif et scrutateur de quelqu'un qui ne s'en laisse pas conter. Comme souvent, il ne porte pas de cravate.

Hauteur de plafond vertigineuse, boiseries au mur, miroirs et dorures années 1930, son bureau, chargé d'histoire, en impose. Mais, de lui, peu de traces.
Tout est net, impeccable, rangé. Seule touche personnelle : une œuvre d'art, la carte d'Europe la tête en bas, avec en surimpression un plan du quartier
des musées à Vienne. L'Europe à l'envers, pourquoi donc ? Il commente simplement: " Ce tableau, je l'ai dans mon bureau depuis que je suis ministre des
affaires étrangères. Je l'aime beaucoup. Il est l'œuvre d'un jeune artiste contemporain allemand."

Il a du charme et il le sait

L'Europe c'est son dada, l'ADN de sa politique. Il le clame, à chaque fois qu'il en a l'occasion. D'ailleurs si les affaires étrangères sont tombées dans le
giron d'une ministre proche du FPÖ, lui a gardé la haute main sur les affaires européennes. Son premier déplacement à l'étranger, il l'a effectué à
Bruxelles et sa première rencontre bilatérale de chancelier, il l'a eu à Paris, avec Emmanuel Macron, quatre jours auparavant, le 12 janvier. Au-delà des
déclarations de bonnes intentions, on lui repose la question du risque d'un possible rapprochement avec le bloc des régimes autoritaires en Europe de
l'Est. Il rétorque vivement: "on m'a souvent posé la question. Les commentateurs ont souvent donné la réponse à ma place. Je le dis très clairement:

l'Autriche ne rejoindra pas le groupe de Visegrad." Et d'ajouter avec des accents de sincérité : "Mon gouvernement est pro-européen et je suis
viscéralement pro-européen. Je veux contribuer à bâtir des passerelles en Europe." Interrogé sur une dimension plus sensible de cette Europe dont il se
réclame, il avance: " pour moi, c'est aussi un art de vivre ensemble, d'être bien ensemble, de partager une histoire et des valeurs communes." Il
revendique des goûts éclectiques, affirme aimer les groupes de rock Muse et U2, comme le Faust de Goethe.

Sebastian Kurz a du charme. Il le sait. Il en joue, se montre disponible, écoute avec attention, répond précisément, ne montre aucune impatience, alors
que son emploi du temps est serré. Le matin, il a eu un conseil des ministres, depuis il enchaîne les rendez-vous. Le lendemain, il s'envole pour deux jours
à Berlin, où il doit être reçu par tout le gratin de la politique, Angela Merkel en tête, des médias et de la télévision. Il a même un dîner prévu avec des
célébrités des bords de la Spree.


On lui demande comment il imaginait-il son avenir quand il avait quinze ans ? Il s’offre une coquetterie : « Je pensais que je ferais un vrai métier et que je
m'engagerai en politique comme bénévole. Et puis, la politique m'a pris de plus en plus de temps..." Très vite, en effet, il a pris la tête des jeunes de son
parti, a décroché  des mandats locaux, avant d’être appelé à de plus hautes fonctions. Il se souvient : "quand on m'a proposé d'être secrétaire d'Etat,
j'avais 24 ans. J'ai pris le temps de réfléchir et j'ai accepté".

Aujourd’hui il dirige son pays. Et conduit une équipe de ministres dont aucun ne vient de la politique. Tout juste trentenaire, il est le seul à avoir une
expérience gouvernementale ! Il explique : "J'avais annoncé pendant la campagne que mon gouvernement serait issu de la société civile, qu'il serait
composé d'experts. Certains ne m'ont pas cru. Mais, je tiens toujours les promesses que je fais". A l’économie, il a installé une femme, c’est une première
à ce poste, et une personne issue du monde de l’entreprise, autre première. Margarete Schramböck vient du monde des télécommunications. Car s’il a de
grandes ambitions pour l’Europe, le chancelier en a aussi pour son pays. "Mon objectif est de rendre l’Autriche plus attractive. Et notre programme
gouvernemental propose de nombreuses mesures qui vont clairement dans ce sens." Le texte fait 120 pages au contenu très détaillé

Control Freak.

L’heure tourne. On manque de temps pour revenir sur cette alliance avec le FPÖ qui suscite tant d’interrogations. Au cours des quatre dernières
semaines, le chancelier s’est beaucoup justifié. Le contrat de coalition établit un cadre très strict aux décisions qui seront prises et mises en œuvre par le
gouvernement. La droite populiste a mis de l’eau dans son vin par rapport aux années Haider. Le gouvernement ne fera rien qui soit en contradictions
avec l’ancrage européen traditionnel de l’Autriche. Ses proches glissent aussi mezza voce que « Basti », comme ils l’appellent, est rusé : il a placé le FPÖ
au gouvernement pour mieux le circonvenir. Que dans l’opposition, il serait plus dangereux qu’aux responsabilités…

Le 12 janvier à Paris, il a demandé qu’on lui « laisse une chance » et qu’on le juge sur ses actes. Il n’a, en tout cas, pas essuyé les mêmes réactions
violentes qu’en l’an 2000, quand la droite populiste était arrivée pour la première fois au pouvoir. Alors que Bruxelles avait alors décrété un boycott
diplomatique de Vienne, Sebastian Kurz, lui, a été reçu le 19 décembre par un Jean-Claude Juncker hilare, généreux en accolades, qui a décrété que le
programme gouvernemental de l’Autriche lui convient à « presque 100% ». Mi-janvier, une manifestation à Vienne a rassemblé 20 000 opposants, dix fois
moins qu’il y a dix-sept ans.

On termine par une question brève. Que lui inspirent les adjectifs suivants que la presse autrichienne utilise souvent pour parler de lui. Pour « ambitieux »
et « travailleur », il acquiesce. Pour « control freak », il hésite, sourit légèrement et lâche : "disons que j'ai le souci du détail". Non sans humour, il emploie l’
expression allemande de « Detailverliebt » (amoureux du détail). L’entretien s’achève. Le chancelier va accueillir le visiteur suivant, Oskar Deutsch, le
président des institutions juives d’Autriche.

Sabine Syfuss-Arnaud,
envoyée spéciale à Vienne


Young, ambitious and Europhile: Who is Sebastian Kurz, the new Austrian Chancellor?

by Sabine Syfuss-Arnaud
19.01.2018 in 5:06

Exclusive. Chancellor of Austria since 18 December, Sebastian Kurz has aroused curiosity and concern in Europe. Curiosity because he is the youngest
ruler in the world. Concern, because this conservative just formed a government with the hard right. Challenges met in Vienna the one who says Europhile,
ambitious, hardworking and concerned about the details.

Exquisitely polite, he apologized for the five minutes late. He has baby cheeks, a cajoling smile, the eyes of a deep blue, but the keen and scrutinizing look
of someone who does not let it be said. As often, he does not wear a tie.

Height ceiling vertiginous, wood paneling on the wall, mirrors and gilding 1930, his office, steeped in history, imposes. But from him, few traces. Everything
is clean, impeccable, tidy. Only personal touch: a work of art, the map of Europe upside down, superimposed a map of the museum district in Vienna.
Europe in reverse, why? He simply comments: & quot; This table, I have it in my office since I was Minister of Foreign Affairs. I love her so much. It is the
work of a young contemporary German artist. "He has charm and he knows it.

Europe is his hobby, the DNA of his politics. He proclaims it whenever he has the opportunity. Moreover, if foreign affairs fell into the hands of a minister
close to the FPÖ, he kept the upper hand on European affairs. His first trip abroad, he made it in Brussels and his first bilateral meeting of Chancellor, he
had it in Paris, with Emmanuel Macron, four days earlier, on January 12th. Beyond the statements of good intentions, it is based on the question of the risk
of a possible rapprochement with the bloc of authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe. He retorts sharply: "I was often asked the question. Commentators
have often given the answer for me. I say it very clearly: Austria will not join the Visegrad group.

And to add with accents of sincerity: "My government is pro-European and I am viscerally pro-European. I want to help build bridges in Europe. & Quot;
Asked about a more sensitive dimension of this Europe of which he claims to be, he advances: & quot; for me, it's also a way of living together, to be
together, to share a common story and values. & quot; He claims eclectic tastes, says he likes rock bands Muse and U2, like Goethe's Faust.Sebastian
Kurz has charm. He knows it. He plays it, is available, listens carefully, responds precisely, shows no impatience, while his schedule is tight. In the morning,
he had a council of ministers, since he chained appointments. The next day, he flies away for two days.


He asked him how he imagined his future when he was fifteen? He offers himself a coquetry: "I thought that I would do a real job and that I would engage in
politics as a volunteer. And then, politics took me more and more time ...  Very quickly, in fact, he took the lead of the youth of his party, won local
mandates, before being called to higher positions. He recalls: "When I was offered to be Secretary of State, I was 24 years old. I took the time to think and I
accepted. "Today he runs his country. And leads a team of ministers none of whom comes from politics. Just thirty, he is the only one to have a
government experience! He explains: "I announced during the campaign that my government would be from civil society, that it would be composed of
experts. Some did not believe me. But, I still keep the promises I make ".

In the economy, he has installed a woman, it is a first in this position, and a person from the world of business, another first. Margarete Schramböck comes
from the world of telecommunications. Because if he has great ambitions for Europe, the Chancellor also has for his country. "My goal is to make Austria
more attractive. And our government program proposes many measures that are clearly in this direction. The text is 120 pages in very detailed content.

Control Freak.

The time is running. There is no time to go back on this alliance with the FPÖ which raises so many questions. During the past four weeks, the Chancellor
has been very justified. The coalition contract sets a very strict framework for the decisions that will be made and implemented by the government. The
populist right put water in their wine compared to the Haider years. The government will not do anything that contradicts Austria's traditional European
roots. His relatives also slip mezza voce that "Basti", as they call it, is cunning: he placed the FPÖ in the government to better circumvent it. That in the
opposition, it would be more dangerous than responsibilities ...

On January 12 in Paris, he asked that he be "given a chance" and that he be judged by his actions. In any case, it did not suffer the same violent reactions
as in the year 2000, when the populist right arrived for the first time in power. While Brussels then decreed a diplomatic boycott of Vienna, Sebastian Kurz,
he was received December 19 by a hilarious, generous in accolades Jean-Claude Juncker, who decreed that the government program of Austria suits him
to " almost 100%. In mid-January, a demonstration in Vienna gathered 20,000 opponents, ten times less than seventeen years ago. It ends with a brief

What are the following adjectives that the Austrian press often uses to talk about him? For "ambitious" and "hardworking", he agrees. For "control freak",
he hesitates, smiles lightly and cowardly: "let's say that I care about the detail". Not without humor, he uses the German expression of "Detailverliebt" (lover
of detail). The interview ends. The Chancellor will welcome the following visitor, Oskar Deutsch, the president of the Jewish institutions of Austria.

Special Correspondent in Vienna
Economist who spent 40 years in school wants Trump administration to spend less on education

Today 2:38 PM ET (MarketWatch)

By Jillian Berman
In his new book, 'The Case Against Education,' Bryan Caplan decries the benefits of formal education
He was a student and now he's a professor. But he's had enough of the education system.

The 40 years Bryan Caplan, a libertarian economist, has spent there has made him believe that we should stop investing in it. In "The Case Against
Education: Why the Education System is a Waste of Time and Money," Caplan's new book
(, he argues that our education system provides little to students in the
way of tangible skills. Instead, he says, much of what our education system provides simply signals to employers that a job candidate has received a societal
stamp of approval.

"There's two totally different reasons why education might help you in your career," Caplan said. "One is the story we like to tell." The other, more truthful
story, according to Caplan: "You jump through a bunch of hoops you show off, employers are interested in you because you have these nice stickers on
your forehead that say 'this is a grade A worker.'"

It's somewhat of a timely release. Caplan said policy makers and education leaders need to do more to tout vocational education, or learning the type of
practical skills that prepares students directly for a job. That may already be happening: The Trump administration's infrastructure plan, released Monday,
includes proposals ( that would boost access to federal funds for
short-term job-specific training programs.

Is the cost of a college education worth it?

Caplan's book is the latest entry into the debate over the value of education. Growing college costs and rising student debt have made it easy
( for many to question whether a bachelor's degree is worth the
time and money it costs. Funding poured into K-12 education systems with dubious outcomes has prompted some to wonder
( whether our education dollars are being put to good use.

But it's rare to go so far as to say that the government's investment in education should be cut altogether. "I realize it's a super unpopular position," Caplan
said. Nonetheless, he believes that pouring money into our education system has pushed us towards credential inflation -- or a situation where a given job
requires more degrees than it did decades ago because the job market is flooded with more educated candidates than ever before.

In the book, Caplan cites data indicating that between the 1970s and the 1990s, workers' average education rose by 1.5 years, but just 20% of that
increase has to do with the fact that modern occupations require more skills.

"If that's what having wide access has done, then if we were to cut spending, have people get less education, things would go in the other direction," he
said. "Employers would say 'I just can't be that picky anymore.'"

But employers reward educated workers with higher salaries

That idea is controversial. Employers are paying more for workers with degrees, which indicates to a certain extent that they're paying for something real,
according to Anthony Carnevale, the director of Georgetown University's Center for Education and the Workforce.

"Were the employers smart in the 70s because they didn't pay for college and then they got dumb?" said Carnevale, who read Caplan's book. "Clearly
they're trying to buy something and what they're trying to buy is skill. They're making huge investments and paying more."

Carnevale agrees that signaling certainly does play a role in the education system. For example, someone who completes four years of college, but never
gets a degree will earn less than someone with the piece of paper. But, Carnevale says, research indicates that students do earn something of value --
besides the piece of paper -- by going through school.

Is education the great equalizer?

Research shows ( that education levels are
typically one of the top three determinants of GDP growth, Carnevale said. What's more, other studies suggest

( that when low-income students are exposed to education, it improves their IQ, he said.
"Clearly schooling and what happens to you from the time you're a little kid and you grow older is dependent on your experience, a large piece of which is
schooling," he said. "Less advantaged kids start out smart, but never get to be all that they can be. More advantaged kids who start out smart do get to be
all that they can be."

Caplan questions the idea that education is a driver of equity because proponents are typically imagining best-case scenarios -- where the education
system clearly benefits an individual. Instead, he said many low-income students, particularly young men, wind up disconnected from the labor market
because our education system encourages them to pursue college above all else, even if they might be disinterested in school.

A better approach would be to have a education system that would give those young men routes to good jobs that don't involve getting a college degree.
"There are people who have mobility denied to them because if they don't have the right degrees, their applications go into the trash," he said.

Carnevale said he agrees with Caplan on the need for more vocational training. Still, Carnevale says, research indicates

( that the best outcomes arise from
curriculum that combine specific skills with some general knowledge. And Caplan's argument? "It will appeal to people who feel resentment to education,
college especially," he said.

-Jillian Berman; 415-439-6400;

(END) Dow Jones Newswires. February 12, 2018 14:38 ET (19:38 GMT)

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